How Romania fought off a dangerous populist and what lessons should be learned

Last week, Romania’s Prosecutor’s Office referred the case of far-right figure Călin Georgescu, a former presidential candidate, to court.
He is charged with publicly promoting fascist and racist ideas, as well as glorifying individuals involved in genocide and war crimes.
This high-profile indictment is the result of the politician’s long history of scandalous activity. But at the same time, it serves as an important example for other countries, especially Moldova, where democracy is under attack from pro-Russian radicals.
Read more about how a far-right populist, backed by Russia, challenged Romania’s democracy and why he failed in the article by Serhii Herasymchuk and Rostyslav Klimov of the Ukrainian Prism Foreign Policy Council: The case against the ‘friend of Putin and Trump’: how Romania is defending itself against russian agents of influence.
Just a year ago, in mid-2024, 62-year-old agricultural engineer Călin Georgescu, a former member of the ultranationalist AUR party, was on the fringes of Romanian politics with only 4–7% support.
However, his focus on campaigning outside of traditional media, particularly through viral TikTok videos, led to a rapid rise in popularity. Investigations revealed that his campaign was supported by a coordinated network of influencers and fake accounts (over 66,000), while Romanian intelligence services reported Russian interference.
On 24 November 2024, Georgescu unexpectedly came in first in the first round of the presidential election, winning support from 22.9% of voters.
He managed to mobilise protest voters with anti-establishment and anti-Western slogans, speaking out against NATO and the EU, voicing support for Putin, and romanticising interwar fascists.
Dubbed an "ultranationalist fundamentalist," Georgescu was seen by some as a rebellious outsider, and by others as a dangerous populist.
Despite his first-round victory, Georgescu did not make it to the runoff. In an unprecedented ruling, Romania’s Constitutional Court annulled the election results, citing foreign interference.
Later, the Central Electoral Bureau refused to register him for the repeat elections in May 2025, citing the court ruling and procedural violations.
The decision to bar Georgescu triggered a strong reaction, including protests and unrest.
The wave of right-wing outrage spread abroad as well, several foreign ultraconservative figures proclaimed Georgescu a victim of "undemocratic practices."
Amid this, Romanian authorities did not hesitate to initiate criminal proceedings against Georgescu.
He is accused of inciting hatred, glorifying war criminals, and encouraging actions against the constitutional order. He is also suspected of plotting a coup with Russian backing. Other suspects include former military officer Horatiu Potra and the head of a private military company who oversaw Georgescu’s security.
In the end, the far-right backlash in Romania failed. Georgescu’s successor, George Simion, did not become president. And the very next day after the new president’s inauguration on 27 May 2025 Georgescu announced his exit from politics.
The rise and fall of Călin Georgescu became a major stress test for Romanian democracy.
The situation led to deep polarisation but also raised the key question of where the boundaries of democracy lie: Can candidates be restricted in order to protect society from extremism?
Most agreed: democracy has the right to defend itself, but it must do so without undermining its own foundations.
This lesson is especially relevant for Romania’s neighbour Moldova, where this fall Moscow is expected to once again test its hybrid tactics, and President Maia Sandu will face the challenge of preventing a pro-Russian resurgence, without crossing the line of what democracy can tolerate.
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11 of July 2025